Moving Forward Into History:
It was a little strange this week hearing House Minority Leader
Richard Gephardt talk about the international economic opportunities that
the great Internet expansion is opening for the United States. The Missouri
congressman stood before the virtual warmth of an artificial hearth,
speaking to a cozy gathering of Net heads assembled by the Association of
Internet Professionals in a suite at the Waldorf-Astoria
Hotel.
There, in a room full of mostly cyberlibertarians, the foremost advocate of
economic protectionism among American politicians and a perpetual candidate
for president argued for First Amendment preservation and Internet free
trade.
After Gephardt and his retinue bolted for a high-ticket, soft-money
Democratic fundraiser downstairs what little talk of
politics remained in
the rooms was all about protecting children, Federal regulatory action on
data privacy, and other ways the Feds could, should, and are mucking around
with Net-related regulatory policy.
The widely divergent opinions of people in the room and the jarring
juxtaposition of an advocate for protectionist policies addressing a room
of cyber-free marketers was perfect symbol of the legislative chaos about
to engulf all of us in the Internet business.
Federal Internet policy so far has been a politically opportunistic
hodgepodge of legislative initiatives that are absolutely at odds with one
another. On the one hand, the Department of Commerce argues that the
Internet should be a tax-free, free trade zone. On the other hand, the
Federal Trade Commission drafts regulations that will tightly control how
Internet marketers, retailers, and others sell, market, and advertise
online; and encryption technology that U.S. companies could "productize"
internationally to great economic effect, remains classified as a dangerous
munition, illegal for export.
In a classic waffle, President Bill Clinton has flopped back and forth on
Internet speech issues--signing the Communications Decency Act into law,
then defending it in the courts with a wink and a nod by saying that his
administration really didn't intend to enforce the now-defunct measure's
most onerous elements. Now the Administration says it favors a high level
of free speech protection, but it's working closely with software companies
and big media players to find a way to use technology to regulate what you
see in a way that will clearly have a chilling effect on
new content creation.
And while the Federal Communications Commission seems poised to use the
Internet explosion to begin reshaping the way it regulates all
telecommunications, it's not at all clear what that means. All that remains
clear is that the industries that have the best-connected lobbyists--the
big telecos--will have the greatest effect on whatever the
FCC decides to do.
By all accounts Bill Clinton is obsessed with his legacy. How will history
remember Clinton? By and large as an Eisenhower-like do-nothing who at his
best didn't screw anything up and presided over a
slow but steady economic
expansion. Presidents are often remembered for how they react in times of
great turmoil, or when great moment present themselves. And conventional
wisdom has it that Clinton has no moment to latch onto.
But the great Internet expansion of the 1990s is a defining moment in
American history. It has helped catapult the United States once again into
the lead globally in key matters of economy and technology. It is forcing
us to rethink everything from the nature of money and the national bank
structure, to interstate taxation and the future of free speech in America.
Like the westward migration of 150 years ago it is being led by a few
evangelists--setting up communities among formerly inhospitable buttes and
ravines--and a pile of gold diggers and claim jumpers--let's call 'em
'95ers. It's the kind of moment that a smart, forward thinking president
who wants to build a "bridge to the 21st century" should jump all over, not
by tailoring two-bit, gee-whiz, and ultimately unconstitutional speech
legislation for a cheap short term political payoff among conservative
voters; but by providing leadership in the form of guiding principals that
will overarch U.S. policy during this new cyberspace migration, the kind of
leadership James Monroe provided when in 1823 he called for the
self-determination of people to be a guiding principal in the creation of
states in the new world, away from European imperialism.
Argue if you want that the U.S. routinely interferes in the affairs of
other states in violation of the Monroe Doctrine. That is true. But the
idea that there is a principled set of standards that we try to live up to
personally and legislatively are the essence of America. If President
Clinton really wants to be remembered in history, it is time for the
Clinton Doctrine -- a set of principled standards to guide future
government action during the next two generations of what is sure to be an
extended cyberspace migration. That Doctrine would turn "building a bridge
to the 21st Century" from a cheap piece of political sloganeering into a
national goal.
Jason Chervokas is the editor and publisher of @NY, a weekly
newsletter about the New York new media scene.